Beyond Binary Wikia

(coming soon)


"The Combahee River Collective was a Black feminist lesbian organization active in Boston from 1974 to 1980.[1][2] The Collective was instrumental in highlighting that the white feminist movement was not addressing their particular needs.[3] They are perhaps best known for developing the Combahee River Collective Statement,[4] a key document in the history of contemporary Black feminism and the development of the concepts of identity as used among political organizers and social theorists."

"The Combahee River Collective Statement was separated into four separate chapters: The Genesis of Contemporary Black Feminism; What We Believe; Problems in Organizing Black Feminist; and Black Feminist Issues and Projects."
  • "we are actively committed to struggling against racial, sexual, heterosexual and class oppression"
  • "development of integrated analysis and practice based upon the fact that the major systems of oppression are interlocking."
  • "the synthesis of these oppressions creates the conditions of our lives."
  • "Black feminism as the logical political movement to combat the manifold and simultaneous oppressions that all women of color face...."
  • "[T]he most profound and potentially most radical politics come directly out of our own identit(ies)."

"But beyond their lack of privilege of marginalized people, CRC knew they were more at stake organizing for their freedom. The collective theorized that the "liberation of all oppressed peoples necessitates the destruction of the political and economic systems of Capitalism and Imperialism as well as Patriarchy."[4][11] Meaning that,"If Black women were free, it would mean that everyone else would have to be free, since our freedom would necessitate the destruction of all systems of oppression.""

"Audre Lorde (/ˈɔːdri lɔːrd/; born Audrey Geraldine Lorde; February 18, 1934 – November 17, 1992) was an American writer, feminist, womanist, librarian, and civil rights activist. As a poet, she is best known for technical mastery and emotional expression, as well as her poems that express anger and outrage at civil and social injustices she observed throughout her life.[1] Her poems and prose largely deal with issues related to civil rights, feminism, and the exploration of black female identity."

"We realize that the only people who care enough about us to work consistently for our liberation are us. Our politics evolve from a healthy love for ourselves, our sisters and our community which allows us to continue our struggle and work.
This focusing upon our own oppression is embodied in the concept of identity politics. We believe that the most profound and potentially most radical politics come directly out of our own identity, as opposed to working to end somebody else’s oppression."

"The term identity politics has been used in political discourse since at least the 1970s.[1] One aim of identity politics has been for those feeling oppressed to articulate their felt oppression in terms of their own experience by a process of consciousness-raising. One of the older written examples of it can be found in the April 1977 statement of the black feminist group, Combahee River Collective, which was subsequently reprinted in a number of anthologies,[3] and Barbara Smith and the Combahee River Collective have been credited with coining the term."


The historical roots of identity politics lie in academic postmodernism and are hence seen as anti-Marxist in origins[1]. Some consider identity politics to inherently argue that people who experience different axes of oppression can not truly support one another or advocate for one another. Many reject the focus on privilege as a counter-productive distraction from the solidarity required for a purposeful, united left-wing movement.

"Identity politics madness is no longer a joke" - Melanie Phillips, The Australian

"[...] students have redefined “violence” away from its association with physical harm. “As students are using the word today, ‘violence’ is words that have a negative effect on members of the sacred victim groups. And so even silence can be violence.”

It follows, accordingly, that if either speech or silence are deemed to be an assault, actual violence is then seen as a form of self-defence against offence. Where did all this madness come from? Probably with the rise of identity politics back in the Eighties and Nineties. With Soviet communism deemed useless as the means of transforming western society, and with divisions between left and right rendered meaningless by the dominance of market economics, radicals turned to race and ethnicity, sexuality and gender as the new political battlegrounds.

Groups formed around such identities claimed victim status, giving themselves a free pass for their own behaviour while demonising all who stood against them. The outcome was what might be termed “coerced virtue”. Under this implacable dogma, people have to be made to behave in accordance with beliefs that brook no dissent because they are held to be synonymous with goodness itself."


Democrats neither can nor should ditch “identity politics”



Bourgeois Feminism

Black Revolutionary Angela Davis criticizes the mainstream focus of 'white bourgeois feminism' in favour of a feminism that centres the most marginalised wmn and is anti-carceral.


Kimberlé Crenshaw Intersectionality NOT identity

Kimberlé Crenshaw clarifying the misuse of Intersectionality as a solely personal experience

(coming soon)

Intersectionality ain't for white women - WearYourVoice magazine

"How would the relationship between white women and Black femmes morph as valuable and important if white women saw Black femmes as valuable individuals worthy of respect and autonomy. There would be no intersectionality without Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw, yet how many white feminists dare to even utter her name, let alone attach her credit to the word that they so carelessly use without comprehension of its impact? [...]

White women must disregard their egos, collect their sistren, and understand that allyship is a verb, not a noun. Now more than ever, if they truly wish to stand alongside Black women and femmes, as well as other BIPOC, they must disregard the notion that their experiences are universal. Intersectionality may be one term, but it is one term that is not for you. The disregard of acknowledging the importance of community-specific language will prove to be the downfall of any solidarity that white women believe to exist between them and BIPOC."

|Dr. C. Michele Martindill:/2015/Lessons in White Fragility: When Vegan Abolitionists Appropriate Intersectionality>

"“How do you feel about the ways white feminists have taken your work on intersectionality as a feminist way to be more inclusive while erasing the creations as part of a Black feminist tradition and without a dedication to Black women’s lives in any way?” While Collins did not use the word appropriation to describe what happened with her work, she related a story of how white musicians took the works of Black jazz and blues artists and imitated them without having the lived experiences that inform the music. Technically, the music is similar, but in the process whites erased Black lives from the music, the very heart and driving force of the music."

Kimberlé Crenshaw

“Twisting 'intersectionality' to be used against anti-oppression is a form of ideological gentrification” - Kimberlé Crenshaw (via HuffPo)

Carceral Feminism The Case Against Carceral Feminism

“Truly violent and abusive people, Schulman continued, are difficult to arrest and convict. And because women who are queer, immigrants, people of color, trans, or even simply interpreted “loud or aggressive,” do not fit our notions of victimhood, innocent people are arrested every day. In this sense, the state’s mode of “protection” becomes an additional method of harassment.”